Why Open Access?
As mentioned in the previous editorial (López-López, 2015), Suber’s (2015) book is a significant contribution that we can use to clarify the limits and the scope of Open Access (OA), and it is also helpful in explaining confusions and inaccuracies that are widespread in our communities, which are no...
- Autores:
-
López-López, Wilson
- Tipo de recurso:
- Article of journal
- Fecha de publicación:
- 2015
- Institución:
- Pontificia Universidad Javeriana
- Repositorio:
- Repositorio Universidad Javeriana
- Idioma:
- spa
- OAI Identifier:
- oai:repository.javeriana.edu.co:10554/33006
- Acceso en línea:
- http://revistas.javeriana.edu.co/index.php/revPsycho/article/view/15302
http://hdl.handle.net/10554/33006
- Palabra clave:
- Rights
- openAccess
- License
- Atribución-NoComercial-SinDerivadas 4.0 Internacional
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Why Open Access? |
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¿Por qué el acceso abierto? |
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López-López, Wilson |
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López-López, Wilson |
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As mentioned in the previous editorial (López-López, 2015), Suber’s (2015) book is a significant contribution that we can use to clarify the limits and the scope of Open Access (OA), and it is also helpful in explaining confusions and inaccuracies that are widespread in our communities, which are not quite ready to face the accelerated changes that are being generated by the new dynamics of scientific output and communication (Gallegos, Berra, Benito, & López-López, 2014). Suber (2015) states that OA emerges in the context of motivating circumstances. These are: 1) The overwhelming increase in the fees of scientific journals, which has made access to knowledge more difficult. This has created more inequality and has deepened perverse paradoxes, such as the fact that poor countries produce knowledge that they cannot later access due to the inability to pay those exorbitant fees. This issue is critical for societies or libraries that have limited budgets to pay for access to databases, or countries looking to purchase relevant collections for their knowledge infrastructures, in association. The gaps created by high costs have an effect on the whole research community, and more so on those with worse economic restrictions. The resulting asymmetries make it harder to build collaboration networks. It is worth noting that the increase in those fees is often (much) higher than inflation indicators and the corresponding increases in institutional budgets. 2) The main publishing houses often sell journal packages (Big deals), consisting of journals of varying quality. This prevents negotiation of the journals that are strategically necessary for an institution, and cancelling subscriptions to low quality or low circulation journals is often punished with a premium. Even worse, publishers often subscribe confidentiality clauses with regards to prices and business conditions, which fosters a lack of transparency in the purchase of the aforementioned packages. 3) Price restrictions create access limitations, because the reproduction of contents is forbidden at every level – from basic training all the way to research proper. Besides, nowadays not even libraries own what they have paid for in the past. They can only “rent” the information, and migration of previous content is prevented, even if it has been purchased in the past. 4) An additional problem is that researchers transfer their publication rights to the publishing houses and these keep property rights over the contents. These contents must then be purchased by researchers, their institutions, libraries and even supporting entities, at a high cost. Most funding for research is provided by government/state institutions with public monies, and sometimes not even private universities are able to afford the disproportionate fees charged by some of these publishers. 5) These middlemen companies also create artificial scarcity by restricting access due to costs. As such, OA models can reduce those fees or at least they can try to keep them under inflation or real reasonable costs, including profit. But clearly, as said before, it should be possible to access research funded with public resources in the same way other public goods are accessed. For this reason, it is not reasonable to say that OA operates by “interfering with the free market”. 6) OA journals are competing for top quality authors and papers, and they are interested in getting this quality to reflect on different usages – they do not intend to compete or interfere with the paid journal market. Therefore, OA seeks that peer-review processes can guarantee the quality of its content. Many paid journals can actually increase their profit margins by increasing rejection rates. 7) A lack of knowledge of OA and even communication and circulation processes on the part of researchers, librarians and other actors in the production and circulation chains is often used by some of these companies to increase costs and even to engage in unethical practices. 8) All estimations of scientific output growth seem to show that the publishing business will continue to grow, with the corresponding impossibility of accessing contents under the current business model. It is therefore convenient and necessary that OA continues to develop and grow. 9) Since 2004, according to Suber (2015), Thomson Scientific identified a continued growth of OA journals in terms of impact, which is relevant since they are still young and must compete with journals with longer lifespans. Finally, we need to differentiate OA and peer-reviewed document repositories. Nowadays, repositories cover all sorts of content, and some which do not require peer review are called “dark repositories”. Gold OA, therefore, is Open Access with no regard for the business model, and Green OA is a self-archiving practice of placing one’s work into an OA repository. These terms enable us to differentiate the types of OA and their associated consequences – more such terms may be introduced in the future to clarify different models. In summary, Suber’s (2015) book will be a mandatory resource for those who are still committed to OA, because we understand the political and economical implications of inclusion and democratization of access to knowledge, especially in countries such as ours, where investment in science and education is scarce. |
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http://revistas.javeriana.edu.co/index.php/revPsycho/article/view/15302/12454 http://revistas.javeriana.edu.co/index.php/revPsycho/article/view/15302/12948 |
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Universitas Psychologica; Vol. 14 Núm. 3 (2015); 1-2 |
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Universitas Psychologica; Vol 14 No 3 (2015); 1-2 |
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Derechos de autor 2016 Universitas Psychologica |
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Atribución-NoComercial-SinDerivadas 4.0 InternacionalDerechos de autor 2016 Universitas Psychologicahttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccesshttp://purl.org/coar/access_right/c_abf2López-López, Wilson2020-04-15T18:27:27Z2020-04-15T18:27:27Z2015-11-29http://revistas.javeriana.edu.co/index.php/revPsycho/article/view/153022011-27771657-9267http://hdl.handle.net/10554/33006As mentioned in the previous editorial (López-López, 2015), Suber’s (2015) book is a significant contribution that we can use to clarify the limits and the scope of Open Access (OA), and it is also helpful in explaining confusions and inaccuracies that are widespread in our communities, which are not quite ready to face the accelerated changes that are being generated by the new dynamics of scientific output and communication (Gallegos, Berra, Benito, & López-López, 2014). Suber (2015) states that OA emerges in the context of motivating circumstances. These are: 1) The overwhelming increase in the fees of scientific journals, which has made access to knowledge more difficult. This has created more inequality and has deepened perverse paradoxes, such as the fact that poor countries produce knowledge that they cannot later access due to the inability to pay those exorbitant fees. This issue is critical for societies or libraries that have limited budgets to pay for access to databases, or countries looking to purchase relevant collections for their knowledge infrastructures, in association. The gaps created by high costs have an effect on the whole research community, and more so on those with worse economic restrictions. The resulting asymmetries make it harder to build collaboration networks. It is worth noting that the increase in those fees is often (much) higher than inflation indicators and the corresponding increases in institutional budgets. 2) The main publishing houses often sell journal packages (Big deals), consisting of journals of varying quality. This prevents negotiation of the journals that are strategically necessary for an institution, and cancelling subscriptions to low quality or low circulation journals is often punished with a premium. Even worse, publishers often subscribe confidentiality clauses with regards to prices and business conditions, which fosters a lack of transparency in the purchase of the aforementioned packages. 3) Price restrictions create access limitations, because the reproduction of contents is forbidden at every level – from basic training all the way to research proper. Besides, nowadays not even libraries own what they have paid for in the past. They can only “rent” the information, and migration of previous content is prevented, even if it has been purchased in the past. 4) An additional problem is that researchers transfer their publication rights to the publishing houses and these keep property rights over the contents. These contents must then be purchased by researchers, their institutions, libraries and even supporting entities, at a high cost. Most funding for research is provided by government/state institutions with public monies, and sometimes not even private universities are able to afford the disproportionate fees charged by some of these publishers. 5) These middlemen companies also create artificial scarcity by restricting access due to costs. As such, OA models can reduce those fees or at least they can try to keep them under inflation or real reasonable costs, including profit. But clearly, as said before, it should be possible to access research funded with public resources in the same way other public goods are accessed. For this reason, it is not reasonable to say that OA operates by “interfering with the free market”. 6) OA journals are competing for top quality authors and papers, and they are interested in getting this quality to reflect on different usages – they do not intend to compete or interfere with the paid journal market. Therefore, OA seeks that peer-review processes can guarantee the quality of its content. Many paid journals can actually increase their profit margins by increasing rejection rates. 7) A lack of knowledge of OA and even communication and circulation processes on the part of researchers, librarians and other actors in the production and circulation chains is often used by some of these companies to increase costs and even to engage in unethical practices. 8) All estimations of scientific output growth seem to show that the publishing business will continue to grow, with the corresponding impossibility of accessing contents under the current business model. It is therefore convenient and necessary that OA continues to develop and grow. 9) Since 2004, according to Suber (2015), Thomson Scientific identified a continued growth of OA journals in terms of impact, which is relevant since they are still young and must compete with journals with longer lifespans. Finally, we need to differentiate OA and peer-reviewed document repositories. Nowadays, repositories cover all sorts of content, and some which do not require peer review are called “dark repositories”. Gold OA, therefore, is Open Access with no regard for the business model, and Green OA is a self-archiving practice of placing one’s work into an OA repository. These terms enable us to differentiate the types of OA and their associated consequences – more such terms may be introduced in the future to clarify different models. In summary, Suber’s (2015) book will be a mandatory resource for those who are still committed to OA, because we understand the political and economical implications of inclusion and democratization of access to knowledge, especially in countries such as ours, where investment in science and education is scarce.Como se había mencionado en la editorial anterior (López-López, 2015), el libro de Suber (2015) es una contribución significativa para aclarar los límites y alcances del acceso abierto (OA) y permite decantar confusiones e impresiones que prevalecen en nuestras comunidades que no están preparadas para los cambios tan acelerados que las nuevas dinámicas de producción y comunicación académica están generando (Gallegos, Berra, Benito, & López-López, 2014). Suber (2015) plantea como el acceso abierto surge bajo un conjunto de motivaciones que influyeron en su desarrollo. Estas motivaciones son: 1. El incremento desmedido de los precios de las revistas científicas con lo cual se ha dificultado el acceso al conocimiento, generando mayor inequidad y profundizando además paradojas perversas como que en países pobres se produce conocimiento al que luego no puede accederse por no poder pagar las revistas donde se publica. Este punto es crítico para las sociedades o las bibliotecas que cuentan con presupuestos limitados para acceso a bases de datos o países que en consorcio buscan comprar colecciones relevantes para sus infraestructuras de conocimiento; las brechas generadas por los costos afectan a todos los investigadores y más a los que tiene mayores restricciones económicas ampliando la inequidad y brechas, disminuyendo la posibilidad de construir redes de colaboración por las asimetrías generadas. Es bueno anotar que el incremento de precios suele ser mayor en forma considerable que los indicadores de inflación y los presupuestos de las instituciones. 2. Las grandes editoriales suelen vender paquetes de revistas (Big deals) de múltiples calidades impidiendo así que se negocie en relación con las revistas que son necesarias estratégicamente por una institución y se suele castigar con un precio las cancelaciones a títulos que son de baja circulación o calidad. Y peor aún, las casas editoriales suelen suscribir cláusulas de confidencialidad en relación con los precios y las condiciones de negocio lo que impide tener negociaciones con más transparencia sobre la compra de los mencionados paquetes incluso con instituciones cercanas. 3. Las restricciones por precio generan limitaciones de acceso pues se impide la reproducción de los contenidos a todos los niveles, desde la formación terminando en la investigación propiamente dicha. Además ni siquiera hoy las bibliotecas pueden ser dueñas de lo que han pagado en el pasado, hoy estas solo pueden “arrendar” la información y se impide la migración de contenidos anteriores así se haya pagado por ellos. 4. Un agravante adicional es que en el mundo entero los investigadores ceden los derechos de publicación a las editoriales y estas se quedan con la propiedad de los contenidos. Éstos deben ser adquiridos por altos costos por los propios investigadores, sus instituciones y bibliotecas e incluso por los organismos financiadores. La mayor parte de la financiación de la investigación se genera de entidades estatales con dinero público, incluso, en universidades privadas aunque éstas los financien con dinero privado es absurdo que ellas mismas no puedan pagar de nuevo las cifras desproporcionadas que cobran algunas de estas editoriales. 5. Estas empresas de intermediación de conocimiento provocan además escasez artificial al restringir los accesos debido a los costos. Es así como los modelos de acceso abierto evidentemente pueden disminuir los costos o por lo menos tratar de tenerlos bajo la inflación o bajo los costos reales razonables, incluida la utilidad de producción. Pero es claro como se dijo antes que, en cualquier forma, la investigación que se financia con recursos públicos debe tener una condición de acceso como bien público y es por esta intervención directa que no es razonable pretender que el acceso abierto opere “interfiriendo el libre mercado”. 6. Las revistas de acceso abierto están compitiendo en primer lugar por autores y artículos de la mejor calidad y en segundo lugar están interesadas en que esta calidad se refleje en diversos usos y no pretende competir o interferir en los mercados de las revistas de pago. Es por esto que el OA busca en forma prioritaria que la evaluación por pares garantice la calidad de los contenidos. Incluso muchas revistas de pago pueden incrementar sus márgenes de ganancia con el incremento de las tasas de rechazo. 7. La falta de conocimiento sobre lo que es el acceso abierto e incluso los proceso de comunicación y circulación del conocimiento por parte de investigadores, bibliotecarios y diversos actores de las cadenas de producción y circulación de conocimiento, suele ser usado por algunas de estas empresas para incrementar costos e incluso en incurrir en asuntos éticos. 8. Todas las estimaciones de crecimiento de la producción científica muestran que al parecer el negocio de las editoriales y revistas privadas seguirá creciendo con la consecuente imposibilidad de acceder al contenido bajo los modelos de negocio y no solo es necesario sino conveniente que el acceso abierto se desarrolle y crezca. 9. Desde el 2004, anota Suber (2015), Thomson Scientific identificó que es sus diferentes temáticas entre las revistas de más impacto hay buen crecimiento constante de revistas de Acceso Abierto lo cual es muy relevante por cuanto estás apenas están arrancando y deben competir con revistas de muy larga trayectoria. Por último, es necesario diferenciar los repositorios de acceso abierto de las revistas y documentos que pasaron por revisión de pares. Es necesario aclarar que hoy los repositorios incluyen todo tipo de contenidos y algunos han denominado “depósitos oscuros” que no exigen la evaluación de pares. Debido a esto se puede diferenciar en OA oro y OA verde. El primero se refiere al acceso abierto de las revistas sin tener en cuenta el modelo de negocio y el OA verde al que es facilitado por los repositorios y se entiende como un “auto archivo a la práctica de depositar un trabajo propio en un repositorio de OA”. Estos términos permiten diferenciar el tipo de acceso abierto y las consecuencias de cada uno y es probable que se introduzcan nuevos términos que permitan diferenciar y aclarar más el acceso abierto. En definitiva el libro de Suber (2015) será un recurso obligado de consulta para quienes sigamos comprometidos con el acceso abierto, porque entendemos las implicaciones políticas y económicas de inclusión y democratización de acceso al conocimiento que tienen en especial países como el nuestro en el que la inversión en ciencia y educación es escaso.PDFapplication/pdftext/htmlspaPontificia Universidad Javerianahttp://revistas.javeriana.edu.co/index.php/revPsycho/article/view/15302/12454http://revistas.javeriana.edu.co/index.php/revPsycho/article/view/15302/12948Universitas Psychologica; Vol. 14 Núm. 3 (2015); 1-2Universitas Psychologica; Vol 14 No 3 (2015); 1-2Why Open Access?¿Por qué el acceso abierto?http://purl.org/coar/version/c_970fb48d4fbd8a85Artículo de revistahttp://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_6501http://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_2df8fbb1info:eu-repo/semantics/articleArtículo revisado por pares10554/33006oai:repository.javeriana.edu.co:10554/330062023-03-29 14:25:48.565Repositorio Institucional - Pontificia Universidad Javerianarepositorio@javeriana.edu.co |